At a time when the president acting alone has become increasingly normalized, it is worth pausing to recognize those in Congress who are working to restore the balance the framers intended.
On Jan. 3, U.S. troops extracted Venezuela’s President Nicolás Maduro and his wife from a fortified compound — an action that, in traditional international law, would be understood as an act of war. The United States has also targeted maritime vessels, imposed a de facto blockade and seized Venezuelan state assets.
Each of these steps carries the potential to escalate into a sustained armed conflict. Yet these actions all occurred without a vote of authorization from Congress, the only branch empowered by the Constitution to declare war.to foreign leaders. But the Constitution did not vest the power to wage war or reshape foreign policy in any single individual. It deliberately divided that authority and played an essential role in guiding the nation’s actions abroad. At a time when the president acting alone has become increasingly normalized, it is worth pausing to recognize those in Congress who are working to restore the balance the framers intended.on Greenland and America’s relationships with allies, she has reaffirmed a fundamental principle: Congress is not an afterthought in foreign policy. It is a coequal branch of government with constitutional responsibilities that cannot be delegated or ignored. This is not a partisan point, but a constitutional one. And in an era when institutional norms are strained at home and abroad, Murkowski’s example deserves both recognition and emulation.resolutions requiring Congress to approve any sustained U.S. military involvement in Venezuela. In doing so, she has emphasized that Congress has an obligation to ask hard questionsCongress has developed over decades. Decisions about war and peace should not be made by a single person without debate or clear authorization. Her stance is not a rejection of the necessary use of force. Rather, it is a reminder that democratic legitimacy and strategic clarity depend on Congress playing its constitutional role. When lawmakers are excluded, objectives become ambiguous, public support erodes, and conflicts drift without clear endpoints. I have seen the cost of this dynamic from many sides — first, as a soldier in the Vietnam War, then as a Republican senator voting on matters of war and peace, and finally, as Secretary of Defense responsible for carrying out those decisions. Public servants — whether they be soldiers or members of Congress — take an oath to uphold the Constitution. The system only works when they take this oath seriously. Her recent comments regarding Greenland reflect the same institutional perspective. As renewed U.S. threats and diplomatic pressure toward Greenland reverberate across NATO and the Arctic, Murkowski hasthat Congress controls funding and that foreign policy decisions occur within a system of three coequal branches. That may sound elementary, but it is worth restating at a time when impulsive and unilateral declarations increasingly drive foreign policy signals. This creates uncertainty for our allies and undermines much of the rules-based international order we have dedicated ourselves to for 80 years. This international order has been a centerpiece of American power and prosperity. Through our partnerships — and access to bases overseas — we can project power, sell American products and grow our economy, resulting in more jobs at home.For Alaska, this is not an abstract concern. Arctic stability, allied trust, and predictable U.S. leadership are essential to regional security, economic development and the well-being of communities across the North. Allies and adversaries alike are watching U.S. foreign policy oscillate under increasingly unilateral executive control. A constitutional process that includes Congress provides continuity, legitimacy, and predictability — qualities unilateralism cannot deliver., under both parties, Congress has allowed its role in authorizing military action to diminish. Presidents of both parties have relied on expansive interpretations of their authority, and Congress has avoided difficult votes. This pattern has shifted responsibility away from elected representatives and toward the executive, contrary to the structure the framers designed. Challenging the executive branch carries real risks for Congress, especially in today’s polarized environment. Murkowski has openly acknowledged that reality,lawmakers can face retaliation or isolation for asserting institutional prerogatives. However, when legislators avoid difficult votes or public disagreement, constitutional checks and balances weaken not because the law has changed, but because political incentives discourage their use. Reasserting Congress’s role does not prevent the United States from acting when necessary. It ensures that such action is grounded in law, public debate, and shared responsibility. That framework strengthens American credibility, reduces volatility, and provides clearer guidance to the men and women who serve in uniform.Murkowski’s votes and statements on war powers and foreign policy underscore that Congress still has the capacity — and the obligation — to exercise its constitutional authority. In a, she said she cannot shirk from what she sees as her obligation under the Constitution just because the president will criticize her. That is courage and what she was elected for. Other lawmakers should take note. The future of our constitutional democracy, and the future of the rules-based order around the world, depend on this type of leadership.is the former Secretary of Defense and a former coequal U.S. senator from Nebraska. He also served in the Vietnam War between 1967 and 1968, where he was an infantry squad leader for the 9th Infantry Division.What to read when snowed in? A little romance, a little adventure, a lot of pages.Users say TikTok stifled political posts about ICE shooting as platform faltered
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