A liberal president constantly fighting a far-right prime minister would be a recipe for political catastrophe.
soon have to invite a prime minister from a hostile party to lead France ’s government — possibly Jordan Bardella from the far-right National Rally.
Some of France’s closest allies, such as Germany and Poland, have issued unusually blunt warnings, betraying their concern that a victory in France by the far right — long accused of flirting with the Kremlin — could undermine European unity at a moment when the continent is threatened by Russia. As one senior EU diplomat expressed it: “I have a lot of questions on the impact of French elections on the EU … Will the French parliament be able to ratify an EU defense fund? Will France still be able to invest in defense readiness after the July election?”The country’s parlous finances could also pose a risk to the eurozone — one that will hardly be helped by tensions at the top in Paris.
in Brussels because they agreed on the basics: France’s place in the EU, the rule of law, and a shared idea of democratic discourse and civility.France’s centrality to the EU project means that few of the rules that apply to smaller countries could keep a haywire French executive in check, for example if France started disregarding EU court rulings on asylum rights or media freedoms.
However, the commissioners need to be accepted by the president of the Commission and confirmed by the European Council, where Macron sits. Before Macron’s June 9 announcement of the snap vote, France was expected to secure a powerful post as European Commission vice-president in charge of major economic portfolios such as competition.
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