The people least affected by crime are supporting the most pro-police candidates. That tells you something.
conducted since 1993, at least six-in-ten U.S. adults said there was more crime nationally than there was the year before, despite the general downward trend in the national violent crime rate during most of that period.
is a weird one: A man downstairs from her apartment is in a “suppressed struggle” to get an 8-year-old girl to walk with him, but she won’t move. Neighbors emerge from their shops and their windows to watch. Jacobs: “The man did not know it, but he was surrounded. Nobody was going to allow a little girl to be dragged off, even if nobody knew who she was.
It puts a cautionary spin on Jacobs’ famous observation: Public order is a deeply subjective concept, and the pursuit of an orderly city is as prone to bias as the pursuit of a safe one. Isn’t a city also supposed to be a place where society’s norms can be freely transgressed by people who reject the quiet surveillance of a suburban cul-de-sac?More substantively, the idea of public order—like so much in American society—is subject to racial prejudice.
, Robert Sampson and Stephen Raudenbush note, “As the concentration of minority groups and poverty increases, residents of all races perceive heightened disorder even after we account for an extensive array of personal characteristics and independently observed neighborhood conditions.”
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