The president has redefined politics in 2025. But the Epstein files show he cannot resist the voice of the quiet middle.
The House board flashed 427–1. Down on the floor, a Louisiana Republican named Clay Higgins had just cast the lone “no” on a bill ordering the Justice Department to release the Jeffrey Epstein files within 30 days.
Within hours, Senate leaders signaled they would clear the measure by unanimous consent; on Wednesday, they did, sending it to the president’s desk. Yesterday, Donald Trump signed it. In a year obsessed with fracture, the Epstein Files Transparency Act produced legislative agreement: a left–right coalition large enough to end a monthslong stall. The bill moved after a discharge petition—one of Congress’s bluntest tools—forced the vote. If there’s a more bracing portrait of American political agreement in 2025, it’s hard to think of one. But it is not the only example. Trump did remake American politics—on trade, on the border, on the judiciary—but the country’s broad middle is now remaking his administration back. You can see it in the agreements that break through: near-unanimous votes to take down AI deepfakes; lopsided margins to harden fentanyl rules; a Supreme Court that still says “9–0” on many cases; a TikTok policy that drifted from ban-it-tomorrow theatrics to a divest-or-comply framework because millions use the app. Even the loudest politician of his era keeps adjusting to where the voters already are. The death of moderate America has been greatly exaggerated. Common Knowledge The dominant story line of 2025 is that America is polarized almost beyond repair—and you can find eloquent versions of that claim on both sides of the aisle. If you listen to Democratic leaders, the mood music is often dirgelike. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries keeps promising to “push back against the far-right extremism…being unleashed on the American people,” casting the problem as not merely partisan but existential. Senator Jeanne Shaheen, fresh from the shutdown trench, called to “end the circular firing squad” on Face the Nation. And when Barack Obama weighed in after the assassination of Charlie Kirk and the murders in Minnesota, he called the country “at an inflection point,” warning leaders against rushing to name an enemy and, in the process, teaching their followers to despise the other side’s right to speak. Republicans aren’t exactly whistling a happier tune. Speaker Mike Johnson spent the shutdown blasting Chuck Schumer as captive to a “Marxist” wing, insisting the stalemate owed less to line-item haggling than to a base that punishes compromise. Liz Cheney, now outside Congress, told a law-school audience that Capitol Hill’s culture incentivizes “toxic” and “bitter” behavior. Mitt Romney, retired from the Senate, chimed in: “You don’t carry around matches when there’s a lot of gasoline around you… and there’s a lot of gasoline in the atmosphere in America right now.” His culprit list starts with social media. Even the centrist who made a career out of cutting deals agrees. Joe Manchin calls Washington’s political culture “toxic,” argues the incentives are rigged toward the loudest edges, and pleads for a coalition that will reward compromise again. Taken together, the testimony is consistent: from Obama’s “inflection point” to Johnson’s “Marxist” warnings, from Shaheen’s “circular firing squad” to Cheney’s “toxic” and Romney’s “matches,” the people who actually run—or used to run—American government are telling the same bleak story. Uncommon Knowledge Now the part you don’t hear as often: wherever you look, American institutions keep producing broad, cross-party coalitions on concrete things—and in ways that keep nudging Trump, of all politicians, toward the center of public opinion he helped to redefine. Start with the Epstein vote, The House’s 427–1 is a clear signal. The Senate’s unanimous consent is likewise not a fluke. The bill’s details—“searchable and downloadable” publication within 30 days, followed by a required accounting of what was withheld and why—are the sort of provisions that civil libertarians and populists have been demanding for years. That it arrived via discharge petition makes it more striking. This isn’t a one-off. In May, Trump signed the TAKE IT DOWN Act, the first federal law to criminalize the non-consensual distribution of intimate images—including AI-generated deepfakes—and to force platforms to remove them within 48 hours. It sailed through the Senate unanimously and through the House 409–2. The law’s text, the White House signing notice, and the end-of-term write-ups are all unambiguous: near-unanimity in both chambers; signatures on May 19; platforms on the clock until May 2026 to build removal tools. The fentanyl crackdown is another case study. The HALT Fentan...
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