The stamina and creativity of Portland protesters has been grown for generations. By the time federal agents packed into the Mark O. Hatfield U.S. Courthouse in early July, protesters had settled into a rhythm.
. Black Lives Matter signs multiplied so fast, they seemed to outnumber Black residents.
But he didn’t account for the stamina and creativity of Portland protesters. By the time federal agents packed into the Mark O. Hatfield U.S. Courthouse in early July, the crowds were ready with helmets, respirators and goggles to mitigate the worst effects of crowd-control munitions. Many donned the all-black uniform known as “black bloc” meant to anonymize its wearers. An elaborate network of aid stations and volunteers provided free food, water, gear and medical help.
But in Portland, a common enemy doesn’t make you a friend. The crowd shouted for hours for Wheeler to resign. “So the story goes that [Portland is] under siege — but we are not under siege by these protests, we are under siege by the police,” Hardesty said in an interview with The Washington Post last month. “It breaks my heart to think [people] are coming to exercise their rights, and yet they have to come with a bike helmet, water and first aid and an understanding that they may be brutalized.”
White supremacists and far-right militia groups have been drawn to Portland to stand against the anti-fascist movement. Extremists such as the Proud Boys, a group that espouses white nationalist ideology, have clashed violently with counterprotesters and anarchists. In the fourth week of what Portland officials described as a federal occupation of the city, Ryver Hankins, 30, stood on a grassy knoll just beyond the federal courthouse with a hand-drawn homage to Portland history.Hankins was only a baby when the “Little Beirut” protests overtook downtown Portland, but their legacy has shaped a generation.
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