Trump’s Tweets Prove GOP Attacks on Omar, Tlaib Were Always About Islamophobia

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Trump’s Tweets Prove GOP Attacks on Omar, Tlaib Were Always About Islamophobia
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The GOP’s hand-wringing over anti-Semitism has long been cynical and insincere, writes zakcheneyrice

President Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Photo: Brendan Smialowski/AFP/Getty Images On Tuesday, President Trump told reporters, “I think any Jewish people that vote for a Democrat, I think it shows either a total lack of knowledge or great disloyalty,” adding later that he meant disloyalty to Israel — a bizarre accusation to lob at a bunch of Americans.

A gift fell into the Republican Party’s lap last November: Ilhan Omar was elected to Congress. A 36-year-old Muslim, immigrant, and Somali refugee, the Minneapolis-area representative was a tailor-made bogeyman for a party whose reliance on anti-Muslim hostility had reached a new apex with Trump’s election. As a bonus, Omar was critical of the Israeli government’s treatment of Palestinians.

It was never a very convincing argument. But Republicans repeated their allegations often and loudly enough — and Omar remained undaunted enough in her criticisms of Israeli policy and American Islamophobia — that it became a centerpiece of their case for 2020 votes and efforts to siphon off Jewish support from Democrats. At times, even their opponents indulged them; Speaker Nancy Pelosi rebuked Omar in all but name and submitted a resolution meant initially to distance the party from her.

These salvos have helped obfuscate less-disputable anti-Semitism on Trump’s part. Logically speaking, the implication that a vast majority of American Jews are disloyal should rankle Republicans who used Omar’s claim that Israel’s lobbyists have normalized “allegiance to a foreign country” to accuse her of invoking the anti-Semitic “dual loyalty” trope.

The GOP’s hand-wringing over anti-Semitism has long been cynical and insincere. At its most strategic, it’s meant to shore up the Trump administration’s alliance with Benjamin Netanyahu’s in Israel and those who support it — white Christian Evangelicals most crucially, plus a smaller number of conservative Jews and other Americans unconcerned by Israel’s human-rights record. At its basest, though, it’s an expression of the right’s long-standing antipathy toward Islam and its practitioners.

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