This nonreligious conservatism, as shown by Donald Trump’s success with working-class and Hispanic voters, has broadened the Republican Party’s appeal, writes MichaelBarone.
One is “What Comes After the Religious Right?,” a guest essay in the New York Times written by Nate Hochman, an Intercollegiate Studies Institute fellow at National Review. He argues that “the conservative political project is no longer specifically Christian” and has become a battle between “the woke and the unwoke.”
In his early 20s, Hochman takes a long view of conservatism, going back to the pre-religious-Right 1970s. Religious conservatives, he notes, “have sustained a long string of losses in the culture war.” School prayer is still banned, pornography is universally available, same-sex marriage is not only legal but is approved by a majority of Republican voters.
Such conservatives, Nate Hochman argues, are responding to progressives’ move from a “live-and-let-live philosophy” to an intolerant “demand for affirmation.” Ryan Grim seems to agree. “We’re dealing with a workforce,” Grim quotes veteran organizer Loretta Ross, “that’s becoming younger, more female, more people of color, more politically woke.” A workforce nurtured on campuses where, as Greg Lukianoff and Jonathan Haidt have described, a coddled generation has bullied one university administrator after another.
Staff “expect the organization to be all things,” one executive director told Grim. “Can you get your love and healing at home, please? But I can’t say that, they would crucify me.” All of which seems to refute those consultant studies that conveniently conclude that diverse workplaces are more productive and creative than those dominated by straight, white men.
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