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The Right’s growing crackup over organized labor

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The Right’s growing crackup over organized labor
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The GOP is torn between its pro-business roots and a growing pro-union wing. It needs a pro-worker agenda that isn't pro-union.

This essay is a part of The Right Way Forward, Restoring America’s new think tank debate series in which leading conservative institutions argue the defining questions of the post-Trump era.community.

Whether it was the construction of the transcontinental railroad in the 1860s, industry-supporting tariffs during the 1920s, or supply-side economics in the 1980s, the modern Right has remained a political home for business — if not always the free market — since its inception. the Massachusetts State Guard to restore order in the midst of the Boston police strike — a move that would launch him into the presidency — while But today, the calculus is starting to change. During the 2022 railway strike, Sens.

Marco Rubio , Ted Cruz , and Josh Hawley that the GOP was “a blue-collar party,” while Rubio decried “Wall Street’s drive for efficiency” that turns railroad workers into “little more than line items on a spreadsheet. ” But for all the press coverage this growing pro-labor wing of the Republican Party has received, it still remains a distinct minority. While six Republicansof paid sick leave during the 2022 railway strike, 42 still remained opposed.

Hawley’s Faster Labor Contracts Act, which is meant to expedite negotiations of labor contracts for unions, has only garnered support fromon her support for the PRO Act and generally struck a more pro-business stance. During her time as labor secretary, Chavez-DeRemer’s agency has largely toed the line with past Republican administrations, including recently siding in favor ofof independent contractors not to be forcibly reclassified as full-scale employees .

With news of Chavez-DeRemer’s recent resignation, it’s unclear if the next labor secretary will change the trajectory of the agency significantly or not. But the Right will not be able to keep up its sphinx-like demeanor toward labor indefinitely. In recent years, unions have enjoyed a, from repealing public sector collective bargaining reforms in Utah to overturning right-to-work in Michigan and Missouri.

Virginia also recently passed legislation toIn the face of its growing crackup over organized labor, the Right is badly in need of developing a labor policy that is pro-worker without being pro-union. The best bet would be to coalesce around aThis policy agenda could take many different forms, but it might include championing the independent contracting status of gig workers while simultaneouslyso-called portable benefit models that provide these workers with funds to access workplace benefits.

This provides a more nimble, nuanced alternative to reclassifying them as employees or unionizing them. Or right-leaning politicians could seek to address issues like just-in-time scheduling, a common sore spot for workers in many industries, by striking aBy focusing on flexibility rather than cribbing the union political playbook, the Right can take a pro-worker stance without needing to fully repudiate its pro-business instincts.

To be sure, the political Right has real tensions it must grapple with when it comes to organized labor. But it also has an opportunity. There’s still time for it to stake out a position as pro-worker rather than pro-union, and in doing so, articulate a modern labor policy for the 21st century. Senate advances bill to block lawmakers’ pay during government shutdownsThree centrists join House Dems to force a vote on sending $1.3...

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