As Roe v. Wade hangs by a thread, looking back at feminist history can provide a well-reasoned basis for political action and pro-choice movements.
in 1992) is ever consistently applied to keep government from interfering with the choice of whether or not to continue a pregnancy before viability , women will be legally empowered to implement their reproductive decisions and optimize their chances for healthy and successful lives on their own terms. The result? Men in power—men in general—will lose much of their systemic dominance and many sex-based advantages.
. Anti-choice politicians and activists vehemently attack the right of privacy and other pro-choice public policies because they know instinctively what they’re fighting to preserve. The first question, we posited, is not resolvable in the public policy arena. Credible mainstream religions, groups and individuals will likely never reach consensus about the moral acceptability of abortion, euthanasia, self-defense, capital punishment, war or other contexts for termination of life in given circumstances.
The second question, we said, is the only one of the two appropriate for deliberation in the League study and the halls of government. Those debates must consider individual liberties, religious freedom, the right of privacy and other constitutional guarantees that constrain government’s ability to dictate the rights of all persons based on just one of multiple commonly held religious or moral positions on an issue.
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