Lawsuits. Unlicensed dispensaries. Corporations pushing to get in. Jia Tolentino on the messy rollout of a law that has tried to deliver social justice with marijuana.
What Weiner had described was the Conditional Adult-Use Retail Dispensary program, or
applicants. Forty or so people, most of them Black or Latino, gathered in the reception area of the Bronx Defenders office. Northrup and his colleagues had previously defended several of the attendees in court, and he dapped them up as they walked in. A twentysomething man named Sirvon, wearing a Louis Vuitton shower cap, told me that he used to call Northrup from Rikers on weekends, just to catch up. “That’s my bro,” Sirvon said. “That’s really gang.
applicants started getting antsy. Marte and a couple of friends set up a group text for gossiping, brainstorming, and sharing resources. It turned into a WhatsApp chat, then a Discord group, and it ballooned with members—including Racino, who said that he began to receive a “steady stream of phone calls, Twitter D.M.s, and LinkedIn messages from people asking basic questions.
beyond the planned hundred and fifty licenses, in the hope of getting more legal stores open. In April, Coss Marte finally got his license. Howell Miller got his in July. Then, in August, the entire program was halted by litigation. A group of military veterans had sued the O.C.M., arguing that program could be. Still, he immediately ran into obstacles. If you searched Google for “weed stores” in his neighborhood, only the illegal ones came up. The law required that cannabis products not be visible from the street, and limited the text a store could print on its signs. Marte hustled like old times on the sidewalk, telling people about his store in Spanish and in very basic Chinese. In October, applications for licenses opened to the general public.
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