What lies in India’s future may not merely be further sporadic, localised troubles between Hindus and Muslims, but something wider and more painful
Save time by listening to our audio articles as you multitaskOver the past 50 years, Indian governments have repeatedly dampened such local eruptions by mouthing words of regret, paying a bit of compensation and tapping some retired worthy to write a soon-forgotten report. No longer. The Bharatiya Janata Party which rules both at the centre in Delhi, the capital, and in about half of India’s states, is itself a child of the.
To many Indians and in particular to the country’s 200m Muslims, the world’s biggest religious minority, the government’s shrug of indifference to growing distress is deeply ominous. It does more than offer tacit approval to mob violence and mob justice. It suggests that in the emerging Hindu, some will always be more equal than others, with religious identity becoming a measure of citizenship.
During this period the institutional vigilance needed to sustain pluralism had slowly eroded, with police, courts and the press across much of India growing partisan. The global wave of Islamist terror in the 2000s, which also struck India hard, did not help. The use of disparaging language about minorities was long shunned in polite society. It is now increasingly acceptable.
In this way, a narrative of the awfulness of Muslims has grown increasingly entrenched, and is all the more easily exploited by thethis shows in policies to counter such imagined abuses as “love jihad”, “land jihad” and “job jihad”, supposed campaigns to usurp Hindu women, property and opportunities.
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