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His legacy has been complicated since then, marked by alternating periods of increased scrutiny and revision. One thing agreed upon by both his defenders and detractors is that much of the modern presidency and political landscape can be traced directly back to Nixon, for better or worse., which argues that the modern political landscape is the doing of Nixon.
“Even though the Grand Old Party originated in 1850s, this party is an echo of the Nixon Republican Party in ‘69,” he said. “The coalitions of voters that he put together, particularly white working class, non-college educated, certainly a connection with Evangelical religious communities.
Bostock disputed Perlstein’s characterization, especially suggestions that Nixon’s strategy was a cynical exploitation of the populace’s fears. He went so far as to question if Nixon had as major an effect on the current political space as suggested. Bostock also disputed the thesis that Nixon ran a campaign against the elites, tacking it as a mischaracterization of his position, despite ceding his personal dislike of many of those in the upper class.
“For Nixon, it goes back to his days before he ever entered into politics, growing up in abject poverty, feeling that elites had carved out a place in the country that was exclusive and wouldn’t let anyone in, regardless of how well they did in their life,” he continued. “Even thoughThe major difference between them, Kelley argued, was Nixon’s belief in U.S. institutions, contrasted with Trump’s skepticism.
“It becomes really difficult for presidents to do much of anything with Congress, that is in keeping with the kinds of legislating presidents had historically been able to do with Congress,” Kelley said. “ got four years to try to convince the public to give them a second term, and they have to run on something.
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