Commentary: While most recognize some form of outside involvement in Haiti is necessary to restore stability, no country wants to lead the effort.
Beyond Haiti’s security troubles lies a percolating political crisis. The Haitian government is less a government in the traditional sense of the word and more a collection of unaccountable officials who preside over a bunch of rotting institutions.
Interim Prime Minister Ariel Henry wasn’t elected to his post, is seen as an ineffective, illegitimate leader by the majority of the Haitian population andin Moïse’s killing. There aren’t any democratically elected officials left in the country. While a three-member transition council is responsible for ushering Haiti to elections this year, no serious person actually thinks elections can be organized when the country looks like a war zone.
Haiti’s national police agency, meanwhile, is dealing with its own issues. Officers are top targets for gangs. Recruitment isn’t keeping pace with retirements. The pay is pathetic. And according to Pierre Espérance, a respected Haitian human rights observer, Haitian police commanders against gang holdouts at the last minute, raising questions about how connected the crime fighters are to the lawbreakers. Jimmy Chérizier, the leader of Haiti’s largest gang formation, is a former police officer himself.All of this raises the obvious question: What can the U.S., Canada, the Caribbean and the U.N. do about it? U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres, President Joe Biden and now the U.N.
But one must understand just how difficult such a mission would be in a state that has failed to provide the most basic services to its population. An intervention force in Haiti, led by the U.N. or some other entity, wouldn’t be an act of peacekeeping or even peace enforcement — it would be an act of counterinsurgency.
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