Today, in the real world, China faces unusual resistance to its bid for a front seat as a global power
Chinese censors finally allowed a James Bond film to be shown in a mainland cinema, in 2007, the franchise was more than four decades old. Only thanks to rampant piracy were Chinese familiar with the British spy, commonly referred to by his codename,. Chinese leaders would do well to study a plot device beloved in the early films: the moment when a ruthless genius explains his plans for world domination to a captive Bond, believing him moments from death.
Take the ongoing campaign by American officials to scold allies into shunning Chinese high-technology for 5mobile-telecommunications networks. The secretary of state, Mike Pompeo, says that America may refuse to share intelligence with governments that install kit from such tech giants as Huawei, a firm that Mr Pompeo accuses of having “deep connections” to Chinese spy services. Allies grumble that American officials have not shared hard evidence to back their claims.
Nor is Europe rolling over like a Bond villain’s cat. On March 12th the European Commission and the European Union’s foreign policy arm, theExternal Action Service, issued a strikingly bleak strategic paper on China. The document calls China a partner when battling such global menaces as climate change, as well as an economic competitor.
In a bid to sweeten trade-war peace talks with America, China announced that it will enact a new foreign-investment law in January. Among other promises, the law says that overseas firms’ secrets will not be leaked when shared with government regulators. Foreign chambers of commerce in China responded warily, noting the law’s lack of detail. For many foreign executives in China, industrial policies announced over the past four years are a Bond-villainesque instance of candour.
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