Erecting barriers against a threatening China may sound rational, but a China that succeeds anyway, and then feels less dependent on outsiders, is not necessarily safer
of attempts to contain modern China is not a happy one. The Soviet Union tried it in 1960 when Mao Zedong’s insouciance about nuclear war—he had suggested that such a conflict would kill more imperialists than socialists, leaving the world ruined but Red—alarmed Nikita Khrushchev. Soviet technical advisers, including nuclear-weapons experts who shredded all documents they could not carry, were withdrawn from China.
In Congress and in the White House, leaders sound unmoved by the downsides of withholding assistance as China rises. If the result is a China that feels that it does not need the West, they are inclined to shrug. “I think that’s the way this ends anyway. In essence there is no way that China intends not to eventually wind up at that point,” Senator Marco Rubio of Florida recently told Chaguan.
The idea of “self-reliance” has been dear to the Communist Party for 70 years, notes a recent paper by Neil Thomas of the Paulson Institute, a think-tank in Washington. But it has usually referred to a desire for independence, not autarky. The phrase was common under Mao, even during the period when leaders in Moscow sent money, modern machinery and over 10,000 advisers.
In part, those advocating a warier approach to China are bowing to an unhappy political logic. Since foreigners first began seeking access to China, back in the days of the Qing emperors, engagement has been seen as a way to strengthen liberals and reformers within the Chinese system.
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