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was always right in front of you if you were objectively listening to the concerns of the people and the data showing the most important, misread trend of all: TheIn interview after interview, waitresses, welders, rank-and-file union members, plumbers, HVAC small-business owners, hairdressers, and barbers would tell national news reporters, including me, that they were voting for Trump.
These voters wanted both candidates to address rising costs, rising crime, and a rising sense of insecurity. They were less interested in climate change and social justice issues or in whether or not you put pronouns in your email signature, and more about who was going to make their budget stretch further or who was going to get the drug trade out of their neighborhoods.
When you don’t sound like you are trying to work for working-class voters, you lose — and that loss is across the board in all races. These voters are not inspired by an identity-politics message that was aimed at coastal voters and repeated on national news shows. “I might have a different view,” he said. “But I do respect it. And so if you choose to vote for Donald Trump and Josh Shapiro, I assume you’ve carefully thought about it and you have your rationale and your reason for it.”
When Barack Obama defeated Republican Sen. John McCain in 2008 by a whopping 10.32-point margin of victory in Pennsylvania, he kept the New Deal Coalition, the working-class voters, in his camp by running on “hope and change.” His aspirational message appealed to those voters. By the time Obama ran in 2012, he had made the calculation that he could afford to shed most of the white working-class part of the coalition and rebuild the Democratic Party in the image of his values.
During the same time, Democrats’ registration edge over Republicans began to shrink from a double-digit advantage in the summer of 2008 to 4 percentage points this summer. The state was changing, and it was the working class leading the massive shift.
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